Voltage,
I don't see the reason in a opposing a man just because as you suggested "he left Asmara for Djibouti; or he now wears a suit instead of khameez; or a koofi barawani instead of cimaamad," yes all that are irrelevant and really just stupid. May be I can't read between the lines but that's your call, next time though give us something other then your petty thinking, something tangible. Take me for instance, as much as I like to see the on-going talks in Djibouti succeed I'm oppose to it not because the good Sheikh Sharif shaved his beard to flatter the unbelievers there, but because it is filled by those who claim a monopoly on representing our voices.
Indeed, the warlord era is something of the past with the exceptions of AW's, TL's, and your uncle who are still seeking help from Ethiopia. True, Ethiopia is gone but with the likes of them Ethiopia's direct interference in the politics and security of Somalia will not cease.
The good Sheikh, indeed, is a breathe of fresh air and with his knowledge of Islam, I have no doubt he will do well. The task before him though is enormous as GO editorial beautifully puts, "Ethiopia's withdrawal from Mogadishu presents an opportunity to bring peace to the capital, which is a vital step towards the creation of a viable national government that is independent and effective. Secondly, foreign interference in Somali affairs must be limited to allow native political actors time for genuine consultation, compromise and decisions on the future direction of this war-ravaged Horn of Africa country. Thirdly, before stable areas like Puntland or Somaliland are mentioned, a political solution must end the conflict in the south-central regions, where rival Islamist factions now hold power and are competing for influence."
Is the good Sheikh taking all the right steps so far? In my opinion that has yet to be seen, if the man is really genuine about restoring a lasting peace in Somalia then how do you explain what's happing in Djibouti today. For starters, an oversized parliament with 550 MPs will not function in Somalia. Secondly, the composition of the TFG Parliament sought clan balance by allowing various clans to appoint delegates. However, the Djibouti Agreement permits the ARS faction to unilaterally appoint 200 MPs to expand the new parliament. Of course, this presents a challenge to clans who know that the ARS is primarily dominated by Hawiye politicians.
As GO editorial puts it, "This is Mogadishu's moment – not a time for a new president or an oversized parliament. A historic moment like this happened before, in 1991, as Gen. Barre's Darod-dominated regime was violently chased out of the capital by Hawiye clan militias. The Hawiye leaders – at the time, Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed and Mr. Ali Mahdi – became divided after Somalia's first peace conference in Djibouti elected Mahdi as president. Gen. Aideed, using Habar Gedir sub-clan militia, declared war on Mahdi's Abgal sub-clan, plunging Mogadishu into 16 years of intra-Hawiye violence that ended recently with the rise of the Islamic Courts.
If Abdullahi Yusuf was another Darod tyrant, he is now gone and is no longer an "obstacle to peace." If Ethiopian troops were the only problem, they have now returned to their own land after learning an important lesson in Somalia. If Mogadishu does not seize this historic moment, and uses its time and resources on electing a new president with no authority, the future will largely look like the past – only this time, there will be Islamist fighters instead of clan militia.
That is no progress at all."





