In the 1950s the landowning group began a systematic land-grabbing campaign designed to create banana plantations and other irrigated farms. But the biggest land grab was perpetrated in the 1980s by those closely associated with the Siad Barre regime. Sometimes the land was not even farmed, the title being used as collateral for obtaining loans from aid donors—which were then used for trade or consumption. The former farmers were reduced to landless laborers.
http://bostonreview.net/BR28.6/dewaal.html
Land ownership issues and problems of access to natural resources have been aggravated by changes that began with colonization. Somalia’s ability to feed itself has declined over the past four decades. In some cases this has been due to changes in traditional access to land for pasture or agricultural production. Somalia has a fairly unstable environment prone to periodic crop failures due to prolonged drought, floods, pest infestation, and outbreak of livestock disease. Nomadic pastoralists and small-scale farmers have developed a range of coping mechanisms for this. Farmers employ a variety of cropping systems, which tend to ensure a harvest even in cases of flood or drought. Pastoralists adjust the size of the range (not herd size) by moving their herds to new pastures, and varying the composition of the herd to be able to exploit as much vegetation as possible. Pastoral lands have always been a common good, with ownership residing with the clan, and not individuals. Land conflicts in pastoral areas are usually resolved between clans.
Agricultural land has traditionally been allocated to households by village elders. Although technically not "owned", this land is passed from one generation to the next, and could be rented or sold. Land ownership patterns and practices have changed dramatically since the 1970s. Much of this results from western ideas involving private ownership of land, and its monetary value. A modern land tenure law was passed during the Siyad Barre period, decreeing that land title had to be acquired from the State (which "owned" all the land), in order to claim usufruct rights. At the same time, riverine farmland which had been held by Bantu and other farming communities for over a century became extremely valuable, as a result of major irrigation projects and a revival of the banana export business in the 1980’s. This led to an epidemic of ‘land-grabbing’ by civil servants and other well-connected individuals who were able to register large tracts in their names, even though the land had been historically farmed by villages. Few smallholders could afford to register their land, and even if they could afford the trips to Mogadishu, and the necessary bribes, they often discovered that more powerful individuals could gain title to the same land, and then pay the police to back up their claims. At the same time, the state was expropriating large areas of prime riverine land from farming communities, so as to establish internationally financed state farms. In the process, many smallholders went from being subsistence farmers to becoming landless, semi-landless sharecroppers, or rural wage laborers. In some cases, pastoral lands were enclosed, and access restricted which led to new confrontations between nomadic pastoralists and newly settled farmers (even of the same clan or lineage).
http://www.mbali.info/doc346.htm
Are people going to ask back for land that they didn’t own in the first place?Subsequently, the socialist government attempted to expropriate unclassified and communal land in declaring it ‘state land’. This was made possible through provisions of the 1975 land reform. In particular in the 1980s, elites connected to the government of Siyad Barre participated in land-grabbing,
http://udubland.net/wp-content/uploads/ ... bersik.pdf
Now that people are aware of what happen during these times is it not ceeb to ask for a property obtained this way? Does having a document mean anything if you got your land during these times? Can you call someone a tuug who stole a stolen property





