Article written by Abdirahman Ahmed,
Title: Somaliland Foreign policy and National interests
I-Introduction
We’ll be taking Somaliland as our example here. It’s unrecognized but it does have a de facto diplomatic dealings with some international governments most notably the UK and Ethiopia though both countries haven’t formerly recognized Somaliland.
The foreign policy of states necessarily is geared towards furthering the interests of states in the international arena. Hans Morgentheu defines national interest as synonymous with power, and as such, both the proper object of a state’s foreign policy and the best measure of its capacity to achieve its aims. (Alden C., 2011: page 11) This is realism where the whole purpose of the State in the international arena is to maximize its power and hence foreign policy being war by other means.
But then national interests are influenced by domestic, internal matters as well as external, foreign matters. And so if people don’t have sufficient livelihood they don’t give a damn about national interests for there are more immediate needs to be addressed. And so when Somaliland seeks international recognition and it seeks to boycott international meetings held for Somalia where it is invited then any possible consequences such as a cut in humanitarian and other aid to Somaliland might lead to dire consequences.
As we’ll see in this essay Somaliland is treading a very fine line especially in the last year or two and so far it seems to be standing mostly unscathed.
II-Somaliland National Interests
The primary Somaliland policy if not the only one is to obtain from the international community international recognition as an independent separate state from Somalia. And so this is also the prime Somaliland national interest to court anyone state, multinational organizations, civil society or just about anything to expose all of them to the political, social and economic success that this entity called Somaliland has achieved.
There are other pressing national interests of Somaliland at home for instance strong bilateral relationship with the chief donor countries so that they would generously contribute to the aid going to Somaliland; create jobs for the people, build the country and so on; peace and stability within the region, which means cooperation albeit unilaterally with neighboring Puntland state of Somalia, south central Somalia, Ethiopia, Djabouti, Yemen and everyone else;
But by far international recognition by the international community would rank as the main ultimate goal and interest of Somaliland. We can cite many examples. For instance, Somaliland government whether it be the foreign ministry, the presidency, or any other cabinet ministers tirelessly and ceaselessly trek the planet exposing to the world the little place called Somaliland, what it has achieved and why it merits recognition. And so in this respect Somaliland up until February 23, 2012 has banned any political connection with Somalia. Moreover in 2004 Somaliland passed a bill in its parliament criminalizing any political contacts with Somalia. And Somaliland was conspicuous for being absent in all reconciliation talks held for Somalia despite the urging of foreign governments including the Arab League, the UN, US, UK and EU.
III-Somaliland relations with the neighboring states
Let us begin with the relationship between Somaliland and Puntland. The two states never had amicable or any relations for that matter since Somaliland forces moved into Las Anod driving the Puntland authority there in 2007. Somaliland sought recognition and to do this its authority had to span the entire map which included Sool, Sanaag and Ayn regions. Of course Puntland claimed those regions as well. Puntland claimed these regions based on the close kinship of the people of those regions and the people of Puntland. They were all of the Harti clan. And so sprang the SSC militias and separatist Khaatumo state movement. Initially Puntland wanted to administer the place itself but then the SSC militia’s had declared the autonomous region of Khaatumo state rivaling Puntland. Both States of Puntland and Somaliland saw Khaatumo and SSC as a threat to their administration and so they saw a common interest (national) in keeping tabs on these separatists.
There are other cases where the two states Somaliland and Puntland came together albeit unofficially. For instance, recently we have seen Somaliland detaining and extraditing to Puntland one of the gunmen that shot the influential Sheekh in Garoowe.
Somaliland and Ethiopia have always had close ties especially in the area of peace and security. For instance, the Buuhoodle incident where Somaliland gave the green light to Ethiopia to come in Somaliland territory and engage the rebel insurrection there.
Djabout is also a very close country to Somaliland geographically, socially, economically and politically. Recently there was the cooperation between Somaliand and Djabouti where one returned some boats taken from the other.
IV-London Somalia Conference of February 23, 2012
To many seeing Somaliland and Somalia in the same conference with the clear title of London Somalia conference seemed a bit of a turn about and something not seen coming by most people, well anyway those that firmly believed in the separateness of Somaliland; the first ever Somaliland president sitting at the same table with a Somali president that was something.
The times didn’t help. There was that east African drought of 2011 which has hit countries in the region including Somaliland. This coupled with the social chaos in the country—youngsters finishing schools, colleges and then getting killed in the deserts of Libya, Yemen, South Africa, Turkey and just about everywhere in search of whatever they were looking for. The country was beat. Add that to the wind coming from the south (incredible that wind never had that kind of outreach all the way to Somaliland until 2012) and it was a time to rethink, readjust, realign (or whatever you want to call it) the Somaliland foreign policy and national interests.
V-An analysis of the shifting foreign policy and national interest of Somaliland
London Somalia conference February 23, 2012 was a case of one pressing national interest running against another pressing national interest. This national interest of gaining recognition for Somaliland clashing with the other interest of Somaliland which was that of obtaining foreign aid to feed its people and build its infrastructure. The situation was made more urgent when big donors to Somaliland like the UK was hosting the Somalia conference and Somaliland was being urged to take part. So Somaliland had to weigh these conflicting national interests: Partake in a Somalia conference and whatever that does to its bid for recognition and thereby maintain favorable standing with your donors. This raises issues of consistency. Somaliland balking on its long stance of not having to do with anything Somalia and sticking to its desire for recognition. Or the other alternative remain consistent, not partake in the Somalia talks (and whatever that might do to its bid for recognition) but loose favorable standing with your donors and possible cuts in future donor aid (which with high unemployment and dire poverty in the country was not an option), And so it was a loose loose situation for Somaliland and for the first time in its history it partook in Somalia talks and maintained its short term national interest of donor aid.
VI-Conclusion
So yes I’d say that the guiding principles of foreign policy is always stated to be the particular needs of each country at that time. National interests aren’t always fixed. They are overridden by the needs of the country. Somaliland needing aid more than putting the stance of recognition which would have backfired anyway since the very people you are asking for recognition are the very ones you’re confronting.
And accordingly foreign policy shifts in the short term (or long one) with the interests and pressing needs of states. Somaliland has done just that. In the short term it has kept its relations with its donors while waiting for an opening in the future for its ultimate goal of international recognition by the international community.
References
1-Alden, C. (2011) ‘ Foreign policy analysis’ The University of London International Programmes. University of London. Retrieved May 1, 2013, from: http://www.londoninternational.ac.uk/si ... _ch1-3.pdf
